In front of a prime minister who says "this time no one can stop me" using words and tone of reckoning to a more appropriate action films of the 80s (a bad movie, by the way) che ad un civile dibattito istituzionale, le possibilità sono poche.
Una è pensare che abbia ragione, che faccia bene, che questo piglio deciso possa cambiare in meglio il paese. Chi pensa ciò, è pregato di uscire ora di casa, e di guardare quel pezzettino d’Italia che gli sta attorno. Vede un paese sereno, speranzoso, che guarda con ottimismo e fiducia al domani? Se sì, allora credo sinceramente che faccia bene a stare lì dove si trova, a lasciare che il Presidente del Consiglio vada avanti pretendendo che nessuno lo fermi. Stia lì, per favore, perché se sta lì forse farà meno danni.
Chi invece vede un paese stanco, stremato, impaludato in una crisi economica e, soprattutto social, perhaps within himself feels to want to do something, something useful, but not knowing what to do, he hesitates. Or discuss, understand, are compared: standing still, however, interacts with those around him trying to find a solution. Both attitudes have one thing in common, however: it remains still while those who say "this time no one can stop me," goes his way, with accompanying servants who managed to enlist or those citizens who, their goodness, are convinced me to do well.
We do not think that a prime minister who says "this time no one can stop me" is right. We think, with all the imperfections of our human words and our intentions, with all the confusion, uncertainty, contradictions, fears the case that such a speech is subversive .
subversive because that "no one" includes parts of institutions like the Constitutional Court, Council of the Judiciary, Parliament, Presidency of the Republic and includes parts of the country such as universities, newspaper editors, bloggers, theaters. And these things are not "no": they are what helps to make Italy a democracy. And when it comes to creation, we must remember that they are far more important than the people who represent them. They are buildings whose tenants changes periodically, maybe not showing the height, but the foundations of these buildings should be handled with extreme caution certainly can not be treated as an obstacle by the representatives of other institutions.
Whenever this happens, they wobble, and every time it runs a risk of collapse. And in Italy, over the past two decades, they have wavered constantly, so that now many think that is normal. Instead, it is not, it never is. It is in this spirit that have been erected. is why we decided to mobilize .
We have our doubts, our fears, but also our hopes, our aspirations for a country suffering in cui il domani non sia un orizzonte carico di angoscia e l’oggi una cappa asfissiante. Noi, gli errori che probabilmente commetteremo, ma che ci daranno la possibilità, affrontandoli strada facendo, di diventare persone migliori.
Si può pensare che le manifestazioni non servano, che non serva mobilitarsi, perché manifestare, protestare sono altra cosa rispetto alla politica. Ditelo agli egiziani. Ditelo ai tunisini, agli albanesi. Ditelo a chi è dovuto arrivare alla disperazione più nera e totale, prima di trovare la forza di superare le divisioni, le perplessità e i dubbi, peraltro legittimi, anzi. Perché non si tratta, ora, di stare dalla parte giusta, di capire chi sono i buoni e chi i cattivi, as if there is a clear line between them. It is, quite simply, to imagine from here twenty, thirty, and Italy to imagine what we would like to tell our children and our grandchildren, and to think about what to say when we will be asked "where were you?", "what did you do?" .
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And I do not know how best to practice every day, except through the public school.
we chose public school for our children because we believe they will grow as people understand their choices and respecting those of others, in a democratic country that cares about their education that should be guaranteed